Posts Tagged ‘bc politics’

The B.C. Economy in Transition

May 3, 2010 in Current Events, economy policy, provincial politics | Comments (0)

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Last Friday, a paper that I prepared on the BC economy was released. I hope readers will find it of interest. The paper can be found at:

http://www.scribd.com/doc/30728436/Looking-Forward-The-BC-Economy-at-a-Crossroads

The paper was prepared at the request of the Leader of the BC Official Opposition, who wanted a background study and analysis of the economy. My only conditions in agreeing to do so were that I have sole control over the content and that it be made publicly available. It was also used as a background paper for a conference convened by her on Friday.
The paper is largely a diagnostic. I want it to contribute to to a better understanding of the BC economy, as a necessary prerequisite for having a literate discussion about policy. I thus deliberately do not address specific policy measures to any significant degree.

I hope that readers will come away from reading the paper seeing that there are real concerns about the BC economy and the way that it has developed over the past few years. I also hope that it acts as a cautionary tale to those who hold many of the conventional wisdoms about what contributes to improved productivity, investment in research and development, and a transition to higher value activity. The proponents of the favourite themes of the last few years in BC – lower taxes and de-regulation – appear to have paid little or no attention to what has actually been happening. If they had, one would think they would show a bit more modesty in their claims. The truth is that BC has been a laboratory for their favourite ideas, but is lagging badly in all of the referenced measures. By way of interest, the problems I identify are substantiated by a paper just released by the BC Business Council, which for instance shows BC (shockingly) to be the only province in Canada for which business productivity dropped from 2003 and 2009.

I hope the paper will encourage some good discussion. And I hope that reading it and other papers will incline the academic and other purveyors of established ideas to be at least a bit more modest and to develop bit more of the healthy skepticism required of a good analyst.

(Not) Smart Utility De-Regulation

April 29, 2010 in Current Events, economy policy, environmental policy, provincial politics | Comments (0)

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The BC Government has announced that the BC Utilities Commission will no longer have jurisdiction over electricity projects the government deems to be for export. This is to block the Commission from ruling on the run-away private hydro projects that the government has embraced in a desperate bid to bring some investment activity to the province.

This is irrational public policy. There is only one electrical system. The Commission’s mandate is to ensure that BC consumers are not burdened with costs not needed to supply power to BC homes, businesses and industry. The reason the government doesn’t want the Commission to rule on them is because the projects require BC electricity consumers to subsidize the export of power from them. The government has insisted that BC Hydro buy the power from these projects on a subsidized basis. The subsidy comes from BC Hydro, which in turn must get it from the rates it charges.

This is something the Utilities Commission could never agree to. It amounts to imposing a loss on BC consumers to line the pockets of the owners to the private projects. That is not smart regulation. We should support de-regulation if it is smart policy. When it is not, it should be opposed. This is clearly such a case.

Unreformed CD Howe Institute Wrong

February 18, 2010 in Current Events, economy policy | Comments (0)

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It was with a sense of despair, frsutration and anger that I reviewed the just released report on government fiscal policy by the CD Howe Institute. Self styled as the ‘venerable’ centre of economic policy in Canada, the report simply confirms the depth of the failed orthodoxy in economics today and the incredible inability of intelligent people to think and act outside the politically correct language and narratives of a discipline that once placed empirical kinowledge and research ahead of immoveable beliefs.

The Institute is, like all of us, thinking of policy after the highly successful stimulus and the deeply flawed monetary policies of the past year and one-half. It seems to have learned nothing from developments of the last 18 months that should have set off a period of deep reflection about all of the old nostrums that brought us to the sorry state the world economy is in today. Measures badly needed like credit rationing to avoid new bubbles in the face of run away money creation and measures to steer the massive help given to banks into invesment in the real economy get no attention. These it seems cannot be contemplated if you are a true believer in the make believe economic world of the Institute’s experts. Nothing about industrial strategy and re-positioning major parts of our economy even comes to mind. What about the necessiity of policy to sustain a high wage, higg skilled, knowledge based economy, much of which would be devastated by its proposals? And of course social development is beyond its remit, so child develoment and the like can be left a casualty for all the Insititute cares. So what does CD Howe want? Well predictablly cuts in government expenditures. And – how imaginative – these must be driven by another round of dramatic cuts in transfers to the provinces. And higher taxes on workers. But of course nothing at all of that sort for capital, notwithstanding that there are strong arguments for targetted capital taxes, say on banks and international capital flows, just for starters.

The Institute’s ideas come as they always have from two sources: orthodox economics and the interests of the corporate sector. The Institute feeds off its well heeled partners , each enjoying the other’s prerogatives and perks. If it relies on any substantive argument at all for the policy measures it proposes, it is that they were needed in the 1990’s and it must be repeated to avoid a deficit and debt crisis. Defict and debt, absolutely critical long term concerns if we are to have stable development, seems never to have occurrred to it when for instance all governments – the BC government is a particularly apt example – spent like drunks on infrastructure through massive future payment obligations to PPP’s – debt in disguise – during the mid -2000’s.

The important point is that there are virtually no parallels between the two periods. The 1990’s assualt on government spending followed a prolonged structural deficit that had its source as much in embedded neo-conservative ideas supporting tax cuts and de-regulation as it did in uncontrolled spending. But spending was planned on false assumptions about revenue (and it was not all foolsih liberals – read kemp on Reagan). There was no doubt that fiscal integrity had to be restored and that someone would have to pay. Whether the targets were right can be argued, but is largely irrlelevant today, since the current situation is completely different.

Canada is strugglying its way out of a unprecedented economic crash. It resulted from world wide economic polilcy error founded on the beliefs of the CD Howe Institute and others. The ability to use monetary policy was completely shattered by the developments that flowed from these years of foolish adherence to ideology. When push came to shove, fiscal policy was all there was, and it has worked exceptionally well. But the recovery is going to be long and slow. Cool and sensible heads must prevail. Ideology, based on nothing more than big ideas – the kind of thinking that was once the preserve of socioligists – needs to be vigoursly rebuffed.

Substantial government management of the economy will be essentail for a very long time. Re-regulation of banks and credit markets must be vigorously and intelligently pursued. Volker and Tobin are shining beacons as are lots of young thinking economists sidelined in the poltically correct frenzy of the past two decades within the economics profession. Fiscal policy must not now be undermined by continuing prejudice and self interest. It is no time to undermine seeds of the recovery and the powerful affect of fiscal stimulus on real demand and perhaps more importantly expectations. Stock markets are expressing a more or less rational expectation that the stumulus and other measures are working. It is not time to undermine that. Stable fiscal transfers between Ottawa and the provinces will be important if we are to have a rational, stable, dependable fiscal environment, so necessary to a good solid recovery. It is not the time to return to the bad old ‘let’s-make-a-deal federalism’ that CD Howe suggests.

Perhaps one shoould not be surprised by the shallow, reflexive and largely ideological thinking of the Institute. After all, these views have been appearing in columns in the business pages for the last few months. However, the Institute does occupy an important place in the national policy dialogue. It is sad to see in caught in signs of such ideological bankruptcy. Most of us would wish it success in its work. But this deeply disappointing report, taken in conjunction with the Institute’s failure to come forward to embrace sensible recovery policies, some of which I have written about on these pages, and all of which are well known among good economists, is a disappointing sign that ideology still holds its grip over established policy institutions.