One province has finally got it right on green energy. Ontario Premier Dalton McGuinty has just announced a $7 billion deal that will have Samsung commit to a major transformation of the electricity generating system. Samsung will invest in a big way in wind and solar energy as part of a move away from dependence on fossil fuels. Samsung will also make a commitment to develop secondary industries associated with these new green energy sources. Incentives are included in the package to ensure the creation of over 150,000 new jobs. Transmission capacity will be reserved on the grid to ensure that the new green electricity will get to Ontario consumers when they need it.

Contrast this to the approach in British Columbia under Gordon Campbell. Campbell is trying to sell a hopefully gullible public on a plan to subsidize large numbers of private investors to develop hydro power at sites on sensitive rivers and in vulnerable watersheds across the province. These projects, such as the giant Plutonium power project in Bute Inlet, are destroying pristine rivers, salmon habitat, and forested valleys out of the sight of most British Columbians. Valuable licences and other incentives are being offered up by the BC government to the private companies – the venerable BC Hydro is not permitted to develop any of the projects. The biggest problem with the whole undertaking is that it can do little to displace fossil fuels as the source of electrical energy when river runs and lake levels low, but indeed increases the need for fossil fuels during such periods. Under the deals the government has put into place, BC Hydro is forced to pay exorbitantly high prices for energy produced when it isn’t needed (when lakes and rivers are high and Hydro can meet demand with its own large dams), which it must then resell at a large loss, and then it will have to go outside the province for mostly dirty coal fired electricity when the rivers are low, purchasing this power at exorbitantly high prices. These outside purchases are being forced on BC Hydro because the government has ordered the shut down of the relatively clean and efficient Burrard Thermal plant.

The sad fact is the the BC scheme is just a large scale scam to line the pockets of the friends of the government who are getting the permits and licenses for these new, dysfunctional private hydro projects. They get guaranteed high prices for electricity that is not produced when it is needed, and when it is produced must be resold by BC Hydro at a large loss because it all comes when it is not needed; a sweetheart arrangement if ever there was one. And most offensive of all, the whole plan is being “green washed” by the claim that it is a green energy plan. Sadly in this it has had the support of a couple of high profile BC environmentalists who one has to assume do not understand the admittedly complex scheme.

The Ontario plan is completely different. There will be no-payoffs to private interests who are friends of the government for unneeded power. The new wind and solar plants will to together produce power when it is needed in a planned, balanced, systematic way. Old dirty energy will be replaced by new clean energy. There are no complex transfers of money to friends of the government at the expense of provincial ratepayers. Spin-offs and new jobs will be assured. And there is no green washing, because the plan, unlike the BC one, really does, replace old dirty energy with clean energy.

Predictably the self serving private power producers who have lined up at the trough in BC are complaining about the Ontario plan. If nothing else, their criticisms confirm that the scheme they are pushing have nothing do do with green energy. If it did they would be demand that the BC governments adopt real green energy plans like the Ontario one. The fact is that the flawed BC plan is the fault of a patronage obsessed government and a corrupt arrangement that does nothing to advance green energy. It is time that energy specialists, the media, academics, and environmental groups debunk the nonsense of their claims. Until that happens all of these groups must share some of the blame for the collaboration in the green washing that has accompanied the BC plan (the worst offender is the Vancouver Sun, which has virtually become the public relations arm for the BC plan. So much for a critical, watchful media).

Ontario is to be congratulated for going green in a meaningful and in many ways radical shift in direction. What a refreshing change.

Finally, a government in Canada has done something significant and even radical.

The MacKenzie Gas Pipeline Project has been part of the lore of generations of Canadians, particularly in Northern Canada, since the 1970’s. It was then that the dream of building a huge natural gas pipeline from the delta of the MacKenzie River to southern Canada first took shape. At that time it was spurred on by energy shortage fears and a nationalistic desire to mount another great Canadian dream of the magnitude of the first transcontinental raiway. The Liberal Government of the day granted huge exploration subsidies to find and secure gas fields in the Beaufort Sea and surrounding areas, with great success. The government had been latecomers to the realization that the aboriginal owned lands of the MacKenzie Valley would have to be acquired before the line went through, but was soon convinced of this, largely thanks to the pathbreaking inquiry and report on the impact of the pipeline by Mr. Justice Thomas Berger. Berger traveled up and down the valley to community meetings, consulted with aboriginal leaders, listened to oil and gas company executives and studied the environmental, economic and social implications of the pipeline. In his report in 1977, he agreed that the pipeline could proceed under strict environmental controls and operational regulations, provided the consent of the aboriginal residents, who own much of the land, was obtained, just as it had been obtained before the railroad went through the prairies.

By the time he reported, energy markets had cooled and the industry lost immediate interest in the pipeline. However everyone knew it would be coming some day when the gas would inevitably be needed. As a result treaty negotiations continued between the federal government, the territorial government and the aboriginal groups to settle the land issue. At the same time the aboriginal groups began to see land ownership and governance as inseparable, and thus most demanded treaties that included recognized self government powers. Negotiations went on for a long time, but settlements were reached with the Inuvialiat on the north slope and the other aboriginal people down the MacKenzie to Yellowknife, some coming as late as the mid part of this decade. Today only the Deh Cho Dene in the south west corner of the NWT and a group of Metis in the Yellowknife area are without a Treaty. The rest now have unequivocal and uncontested ownership over thousands of hectares of northern land, self government powers, large capital funds and other things they sought in return for giving up ownership and control over vast amounts of the land.

Not so the Deh Cho. The Deh Cho Dene want a different kind of settlement. In the other settlements the First Nations agreed to drop their claims to large territories of land in return for clear ownership over a smaller territory, continuing wildlife harvesting rights, compensation, financial support and self government powers and other assets of value. The Deh Cho Dene have held out for co-ownership of all of the land with the Federal Government, co-management of resources, co-equal resources revenue sharing, and other provisions that would leave it with a high degree of continuing control over and interest in all of the lands and resources in their region. The Federal Government has outright refused, saying the Deh Cho must accept something similar to the rest. In response the Deh Cho have said that they will not give their go ahead to the pipeline. Not long ago that sounded like a real obstacle to the pipeline proceeding.

The industry led by Imperial Oil have promised aboriginal governments a substantial ownership interest in the pipeline provided the federal government will come up with the money. An Environmental Assessment, underway for the past five plus years, is due to report and give its approval in two or three weeks. Feverish survey and other preparatory work has been going at full tilt for some time and the communities along the river and in the delta region have been booming as things ramp up.

However, there now have been a couple of immense doses of cold water thrown on the project. Today much of the talk in the north is about a long and often bungled regulatory process, federal neglect and declining industry interest. The big industry players say that major federal financial support to offset some of the total costs estimated to be in the range of $15 – $20 billion dollars is needed. Opponents say that this is just standard industry rhetoric in search of government subsidies. But now it has come out that the federal cabinet see industry demands as serious obstacles, has reviewed the demands for money and other things and said no to proceeding on these terms.

Some think this means the project is just stalled. But it is more than that. The project just does not make sense in today’s terms. Gas prices have collapsed. New sources of shale gas in the south are hanging over an already well supplied market into the foreseeable future.

In fact, ten years of planning, $750 million of Imperial Oil Ltd. and parent Exxon Mobil Corp., Royal Dutch Shell PLC, ConocoPhillips Ltd. and the Aboriginal Pipeline Group (APG) money already spent, hundreds of millions spent by exploration firms, millions spent by Northern businesses and governments to provide services and infrastructure, and millions of hours of person time is now about to be washed away as sure as if it were flushed down the mighty MacKenzie into the Beaufort Sea.

The project is dead. The disappointment of northern and aboriginal groups is palpable. The waste, disruption of lives, communities and the environment, and the social disruption has been immense. For the big companies the termination of plans will be nothing more than a deductible blip on immense balance sheets bloated by recent high energy prices. Not so for many many others, particularly in the north.

This may all be a good thing in the end. But unless you live in the north, it is hard to understand the pain, bitterness, and disappointment. Those who oppose the pipeline might well have some sympathy for those in the north who awaited its arrival as a sure route to prosperity. Another dream has come and gone. It is a hard life north of 60*.

The Federal Government has established an inquiry into the management of west coast salmon stocks. This has long been sought by John Cummins, MP from Delta, BC, who lays the primary blame on the First Nations and the aboriginal right to fish. It has also been sought by the NDP, who profess to care only about the salmon, and by various environmental and fish protection groups who variously lay the blame on habitat destruction, over fishing, El Nino, farm fisheries, the traditional small boat fishers, and the use of gill nets and other destructive gear. Others blame the Americans, Japanese and other non-Canadian fishers. Virtually all blame DFO and the bureaucrats and politicians who run it.

The difficulty is that all of these to some degree and in their own way are at fault. First Nations’ fishers rightfully point out that there has been a hundred year plus effort to deny them the harvest that they enjoy as a property right under the law and the constitution. Governments have ignored, denied and curtailed their access to their rightful harvest through all kinds of regulations and laws. Many First Nations have understandably seen the whole management regime as unlawful – and they are right – and so have gone ahead and ignored it all. The result has been that the management of harvests has often times become chaotic. How much overall impact this has had is hard to estimate, but it points out the difficulty of laying blame. Who is to blame – the First Nations who have rejected an illegitimate and unlawful management regime, or the governments that have created a regime that lacks credibility and is thus ignored by many?

Habitat destruction has been killing salmon stocks for generations. The whole of the lower mainland was once one of the richest salmon producing areas of the world. Developers and governments have destroyed it. Do they get a free pass because that is all in the past? Forest harvesting destroys large amounts of habitat every year. So does mining and dredging. Now hundreds of private hydro projects are set to lay waste to rivers and streams all over the province. The provincial government, municipalities and industry are hugely to blame. The inquiry can’t give them a pass.

The commercial fishers for years have operated as if their purpose is to destroy the stocks. They have often refused to accept the reality of declining stocks. They have insisted on continuing to use gill nets, one of the most destructive forms of fisheries possible. They regularly refused to accept the First Nations fisheries, making much needed co-management impossible. And they have fought amongst themselves about allocations when the real question should have been conservation. They carry more than enough blame.

Governments and industry often blame commercial fishers and fishing communities for putting social objectives ahead of industry needs. For instance, commercial fishers have long been resistant to the creation of an industrial fishery based on a few very large boats, long a favourite of government because of the ease of enforcement of catch limits with a small number of boats and of industry because of economies of scale. But who can really blame the commercial fishers – of what social use is a fishery benefiting a few large corporations with 20 or 30 monster ships plying the coast?

Fish farms undeniably are killing salmon, especially because of sea lice. But the farm fish industry remains in denial, and government and some communities want the jobs and industry wants the profits, so nothing is done. All are to blame, no question about it.

The Americans steal our fish every year, reducing our catches and undermining recovery efforts. But the Federal Government doesn’t want a fight with the US over such small potatoes and so Canada goes along. It is only ten years ago the David Anderson signed away Canada’s salmon to the Americans without a moment of remorse. He and Chretien wanted to avoid a fight with the US whatever the costs in fish. So they are to blame for sure.

The Japanese are likely aware of where at least some of our stock stay over the four years they are in the ocean. If they are, they are fishing them. This could be a big part of the explanation. So they are likely to blame, although if they are they are too clever to admit it.

And then there is El Nino. El Nino disrupts ocean habitats and ocean migrations. That is without doubt playing a part.

Salmon management is also very political. Under pressure from fishing interests, excessively high allowable catches were allowed for a very long time. Bureaucrats and politicians have let themselves be pressured into making decisions that have run down spawning numbers and thus stocks. They are for sure to be blamed.

I haven’t mentioned the scientists. They are the ones that generate the information upon which all harvesting and conservation is based. They have clearly got it wrong consistently and frequently. Just this year they estimated that 4,000,000 salmon would return to the Fraser River. None did. It is hard to be that far off. Many will ask why they can’t get it right.

The inquiry will be public as it should be. All of the claims I have set out will be made with passion. They will equally strongly be rejected by those who won’t or can’t accept their share of the responsibility. Nothing will be done by government until the Commission is finished in the hope that some claims will be rejected and others embraced by the Commission. The salmon will be swimming in treacherous water for some time to come. One hopes enough survive to see the report come out. And when it does, odds are it will sit on the shelf.

Sometimes I think it would be better if 15 or 20 people from all of these groups were locked in a room until they come up with a result that saves the salmon. This would focus them on solving the problem rather than arguing about who is to blame before a costly Commission. Of course come to think of it it would probably only work if I had the key. And come to think of it, I am available.

What is really needed are substantial allocations to First Nations, and an independent, BC located, credible, effective, powerful, informed, science driven management institution with First Nation involvement and all the provincial and federal powers needed to protect, conserve and rebuild and allocate the salmon stocks. That would take a few short months to design and set up. But it isn’t going to happen.

Instead we are going to have a long drawn out blame game and talk fest. This is just going to put off the day of reckoning some more. There is no leadership, no visionary, and no problem solver on the salmon file in BC or Ottawa. Sadly, this is all about politics. And just as sadly, we will get the predicted results.

Fish farms.